Welcome to SOCIALIST REPUBLICAN MEDIA, the online platform of Irish Socialist Republicans, Macradh- Irish Socialist Republican Youth and Anti Imperialist Action Ireland.
As this platform develops, it will be home to The Socialist Republican Blog, Irish Socialist Republican Radio, Irish Socialist Republican TV as well hosting opinion pieces from friends and supporters of thee struggle for National Liberation and Socialism in Ireland.
This site will will provide unrepentant Socialist Republican analysis on events and issues in Ireland and Internationally, and will provide a forum for discussion and debate as we continue re-organise the struggle to rebuild the All Ireland Socialist Republic.
To contact Socialist Republican Media, Please email Isrmedia1916@gmail.com
The Irish far right have always been miniscule, their growth constantly checked through the disciplined actions of Socialist Republicans and other militant Anti Fascists. Any attempt by fascists to orgainse on the streets has always been tackled head on and nipped in the bud. This must continue to be the case. No Platform, No Pasaran.
Over the past eighteen months however, the Far right in the Free State has been getting boulder and boulder, moving to organise street demonstrations that must be a concern for all anti fascists. Such eventst must be stopped now before they grow.
Despite this, the far right remains tiny in Ireland, with 50 foot soldiers at most. The recent national call out for fascists to assemble at Google Headquarters in Dublin managed to mobilise just 32 individuals, the majority of whom are well known to anti fascists. While small, it was the largest attempt by fascism in the free state to take to the streets, since Pegida were given their marching orders from Dublin in 2016.
But this wave of fascist organisation is concerning for a number of reasons. It is led by both the mentally unstable and the die hard core of fascists. Its leaders include British Soldiers, suspected MI5 assets and those openly involved in building links with Loyalism and the British Far Right.
This article is a brief overview of the 6 individuals who are emerging as the leadership of a new fascist movement in Ireland. Some of these individuals have been involved in People’s campaigns in recent years, attempting to hijack them for their own objectives. Those on this list should not be welcome at any demonstration or public meeting organised by working class activists. Those who continue to associate with them once this information has been made public or continue to share their posts on social media, can only be considered fellow travellers and should be treated by all working class activists with the same distain of fascists.
So who leads the current wave of Irish Fascism?
Formerly a respected investigative journalist there is mounting evidence to suggest O’Doherty has had some form of a mental breakdown since the loss of her career.
While usually such people can be ignored, O’Doherty is being willingly used by Irish Fascists to be the face of their current attempts to build the fascist movement. It is for this reason O’Doherty and her far right propaganda must be taken seriously and viewed as dangerous.
Entering the political scene as an Anti Corruption campaigner, O’Doherty attempted to use left wing issues to build her following across the country. During the Free State Presidential elections, O’Doherty failed to win enough support for a nomination on the ballot paper. However, O’Doherty was deeply influenced by the Peter Casey effect, noticing the jump in support Casey achieved by adopting right wing rhetoric.
O’Doherty began to carefully adopt right wing language and saw a rise in her support from the far right. Now openly fascist, O Doherty has become the pin up and figure head of the current wave of fascism, openly vilifying children, the LGBT community, migrant workers and refugees and particularly Muslims. Unsurprisingly, O Doherty’s Nationalism stops at the border and none of her rants ever mention the very real imperialist occupation of our country just 90 miles from her exclusive south Dublin Home
2. Rowan ‘the Tan’ Croft
One of the most active organisers of the Irish Fascist Movement, Rowan ‘The Tan’, who claims to be a ‘Patriot’ is a former member of the British Army who took an active part in the Imperialist Occupation of Afghanistan and is suspected by many of operating for MI5.
Like O’Doherty, Croft’s ‘Patriotism stops at Britain’s border in Ireland. Far from wanting to end the illegal occupation of Ireland, this self styled Patriot is a hero worshipper of Michael Collins and a strong supporter of the Free State Counter Revolution to suppress the Republic. As would be expected of a Black and Tan, Croft has been keen to build links with Loyalism and the British Far Right, openly courting the likes of Jim Dowson, and Britain’s First.
Croft has become one of the most identifiable Fascists as he courts publicity through his alter ego, Gran Torino, and has the strange habit of making far right propaganda videos at sites of Fascist terror acttacks such as locations proposed for direct provision centres that have been targeted in arson attacks.
Croft is dangerous because he is using his Britihs Army past and connections to appeal not only to Loyalists and the British Far Right, but to convince knuckle draggers in the Free State that they have no reason to fear militant anti fascism. His propaganda has contributed to the climate of attacks on non nationals and direct provision centres, and the Tan Gets off on it.
Croft is O’Doherty’s right hand man and while geama concentrates on the propaganda of the movement, Croft concentrates on attempting to recruit and organise fascist boneheads.
Like many Irish Fascists, Croft is active in the Anti – abortion movemen and regularly present at so called ‘rallies for life’
3. Justin Barrett
Veteran Fascist, in his current incarnation, Justin Barrett is the self styled President of the so-called National Party, an openly fascist political party in Ireland. Barrett is an open admirer of Hitler, Mussolini and Franco and is a former member of both Young Fine Gael and Youth Defence, the latter with whom he maintains strong links as he continues to promote his own brand of far right Catholicism fused with Nationalism.
Barrett has regularly spoken on Neo Nazi platforms in Europe and has been beaten of the streets by Anti Fascists on a number of occasions. Barrett spent almost 12 years in hiding having been humiliated by militant anti fascists while speaking at a debate in UCD IN 2004, but reemerged in 2016 as president of the National Party, and took up a prominent place in the campaign against the repeal if the 8th amendment.
Based in Longford, Barrett states that his objective is the creation of a ‘Catholic Republic’, refers to immigration as genocide and calls for a complete ban on Muslims entering Ireland.
Recently, Barrett and his National Party have become strong supporters of Gemma O’Doherty, speaking on her platforms at Google HQ on a number of occasions.
Barrett is particularly dangerous as he is committed for the long hall. His National Party openly took to the streets during the Repeal of the 8th campaign to spread fascist propaganda. His recent alliance with O’Doherty and Croft makes him again a dangerous leader of the Irish Fascist Movement.
4. Peter ‘Pegida’ O’Loughlin
Peter O’Loughlin is the chairperson of Identity Ireland, a Far Right Political Party in the Free State that is anti Islam, Anti Immigration, and Identarian in its position. Identity Ireland is linked to Pegida and Fortress Europe, a German based Far Right network., that O’Loughlin was invited to speak at the launch of in 2016.
O’Loughlin later attempted to launch an Irish Branch of Pegida, but the fascist mobilisation was beaten of the streets of Dublin by militant Anti Fascists and failed to get off the ground.
Since that humiliation, O’Loughlin has been attempting to build links with Loyalism and the British Far Right from a Pro Brexit standpoint.
O’Loughlin continues to attempt to broaden his appeal by standing in Free State and EU Elections on an Anti Immigration platform.
Hermann Kelly is Nigel Farage’s man in Ireland. Claiming to be a Nationalist from Derry, Kelly has had a long career as a right hand man in Farage’s far right movement in both Britain and Europe. While working in the EU Parliament, Kelly was quite content to allow a Union Jack appear beside his staff profile, strange for a so called ‘nationalist’.
Educated at a Scottish University known to produce members of the British Secret Service, Kelly is a former director of the ultra far right Europe for Freedom and Democracy Group.
When Nigel Farage decided to attempt to hijack anti EU sentiment in Ireland to launch a far right movement in Ireland that would be allied to British Imperialism outside of the EU, Kelly was the man chosen by Farage to front this project , and was appointed as President of the IREXIT Freedom to Prosper Party, a Political Party inextricably linked to the Brexit Party.
The so-called Freedom Party has organised a number of mobilisations on the streets, where it has platformed speakers from the Italian far right and aping the British Far Right chanted Irish First and Irish Ireland Now.
Kelly has appeared on Platforms with the Tan Croft and the Loyalist Jim Dowson, demonstrating he is a key personality in the Irish Fascist Movement.
6. Jim Dowson
Jim Dowson is a Loyalist from Scotland and a long time senior member of the British Far Right. A former member of the Orange Order and Loyalist Flute Bands, Dowson has long term links with Youth Defence and the Far Right in the Free State.
Dowson has been a key organiser in Britain First and the Loyalist death squad linked Protestant Coalition.
Closely allied with Nick Griffin, Dowson is now based in Eastern Europe were he leads the far right Knights Templar Internaational that has been accused of providing arms and equitment to enable far right paramilitaries target Asylum seekers..
Today Dowson is a key link between Ulster Loyalism, the British Far Right and Fascists in the Free State. Long term links with Justin Barrett since youth defence, Dowson is also linked with Hermann Kelly and Rowan Croft. It was for this reason Dowson released a statement against Loyalists taking part in evictions in the Free state which was part of a wider effort of fascists on both sides of Britian’s border in Ireland to find common Ground.
As a go between between the far right in Britain, the Free State, the Six Counties and Europe, Dowson should be considered extremely dangerous and a key figure pushing the re-emergence of an Irish Fascist Movement.
Fascist must never be allowed to openly organise on our streets or spread there posion in Working Class Communities. Far From being ‘Patriots’ it is clear that the current leaders of the Irish Far Right are closely linked to Loyalist Death Squads, the Britsh Far Right and British Imperialism in Ireland.
Irish Socialist Republicans believe that all militant Anti Fascists must stand together to confront this menace. The Tactic of Moral Force, should be applied to shun these far right leaders on our streets and on social media. Don’t deal with them, don’t share their propaganda for any reason, even to criticise it, and when they take to the streets, the working class must be ready and able to confront and disorganise them.
In the spirit of Frank Ryan-“No Free Speech for Traitors”
“I am not a Nazi. I am not even pro-German. I am an Irishman fighting for the independence of Ireland. The British have been our enemies for hundreds of years. They are the enemy of Germany today. If it suits Germany to give us help to achieve independence, I am willing to accept it, but no more, and there must be no strings attached”
Today marks the 79th anniversary of Volunteer Sean Russell. The following is an opinion piece by an Irish Socialist Republican arguing that the Republican Movement should not allow Russell’s memory be besmirched by Anti Republican elements, and should return him to his rightful place with the rest of our Patriot Dead.
Sean Russell is perhaps one of the most maligned leaders of Irish Republicanism, yet when he died, he was on active service, under IRA orders and held the rank of Chief Of Staff.
Those who criticise and condemn Russell, fail to see that he was the embodiment of the Fenian Maxim, that ‘England’s Difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity. It is long past time that Irish Republicanism reclaims the memory of Sean Russell from the anti Republican elements who tarnish is name, in the hope that by doing so, they will tarnish the cause for which he lived and died. This article, providing a brief overview of his life’s work, is an attempt to start that process, answering the question Who Was Sean Russell.
Sean Russell was born in Fairview in Dublin in 1893. Motivated by a burning desire to ‘Break the Connection with England, Russell joined the Irish Volunteers in 1913. During the 1916 Rising, Russell was an officer in the 2nd Battalion of the Dublin Brigade and was interned in Frongoch and Knutsford after the Rising.
On his release from Prison Russell returned to Dublin and Active Service, and took up a position as part of the General Headquarters Staff of the Irish Republican Army. By 1920 Russell has been appointed as the IRA’s Director of Munitions, a key position in a People’s Army then prosecuting a war against British Imperialism.
Russell was opposed to the treaty of surrender and remained loyal to the All Ireland Republic that had been Proclaimed in 1916 and established in 1919. When the Free State instigated Counter Revolution on the orders of and in alliance with British Imperialism, Sean Russell fought in defence of the Republic. His stand in defence of Our Republic would once again land him in gaol and he was imprisoned by the Free State in Mountjoy Prison.
While in Mountjoy, Russell was a key planner of the Republican Prison escape which he successfully took part in,and immediately returned to active service and was part of a group of IRA veterans pushing for a return to Revolutionary activities. In 1926 Russell travelled to the Soviet Union on IRA orders, to procure arms and support from the Communist Government.
Russell was elected as Quartermaster General of the IRA in 1927 and held this key position until 1937. During this ten year period, Russell played a key role reorganising IRA units around the country and overseeing drilling and training in preparation for a future campaign to defeat the counter revolution and re-establish the Republic.
Evidence of the respect he was held in throughout the movement can be gauged from the fact that he was chosen to deliver the main oration at Bodenstown in 1931, the same year the IRA launched its short lived Socialist Front, Saor Éire. Russell never delivered his speech as he was again arrested in advance of the commemoration.
In 1932 Russell went to the USA raising funds and support for the IRA and in 1933 it was Russell who was chosen by the movement to organise IRA intervention on behalf of workers during a rail strike in Belfast.
In 1936, Russell was again in the USA, with the leader of Clann na Gael Joe McGarrity, and both men became convinced that the correct course of action for the IRA was a bombing campaign in England, taking the war home to British Imperialism.
Those opposed to this campaign succeeded in having Russell court-martialled and dismissed from the IRA, on charges of misappropriating Army funds and that his most recent US trip did not have IRA sanction. The dismissal was to be short lived however and by the IRA Convention in 1938 supporters of Russell and the England Campaign won a majority and succeeded in having him returned to the Army and elected as Chief of Staff.
In a key political move, following the 1938 General Army Convention, Russell succeeded in having the last remaining faithful members of the second Dáil Éireann, the only legitimate government of the Irish Republic, transfer governmental authority to the IRA, giving the IRA Army Council the authority to declare war.
Russell set about reorganising the IRA and the Army Council in preparation for the England Campaign. IRA veterans were brought back in the ranks under his leadership to plan the campaign and train the Volunteers.
In January 1939, the IRA Army Council under Russell declared war on England and the Sabotage Campaign or S-Plan was launched as a bombing campaign in England. As part of the Propaganda arm of the Campaign, Russell again travelled to the US in April 1939, as the leader of militant Irish Republicanism. Russell took up a speaking tour organised by Joe McGarrity and Clan na Gael. He was arrested and detained during a visit to the US by the English Monarch, a decision which was met with widespread opposition by Irish America.
On the advice of McGarrity and Captain Robert Montieth veteran of 1916, Russell Skipped his bail and made his way to Germany. The Clan had always maintained contact with Germany since its support for the Republic in 1916, and the outbreak of War again in Europe led militant Republican opinion to believe that England’s difficulty could be Ireland’s opportunity again.
It was for this reason Russell made contact with the Clans German Links. While in Germany, Russell made clear that neither he, nor the IRA had any sympathy for Nazism, and if England’s enemy was to help the Republic, it was to be with no strings attached. Russell then received training in the latest German explosives and sabotage techniques and was linked up with the militant Irish Socialist Republican and Anti Fascist, Frank Ryan, who had been handed over to Germany by Fascist Spain.
On August 8, 1940 the IRA’s Chief of Staff Sean Russell and his comrade Frank Ryan left Germany onboard a U-Boat to be transferred back to Ireland in an operation codenamed Operation Dove.
During the journey, Russell became ill. There was no doctor onboard the submarine and Sean Russell gave his life for the Irish Republic just 100 miles off the Galway Coast, on August 14, 1940. Operation Dove was cancelled and Frank Ryan returned to Germany. In the years since it death, some have believed that Russell was murdered on the orders of British Intelligence while onboard the submarine.
It is clear from this short overview of the life of Sean Russell, that he was no Fascist or Nazi Sympathiser, but was a solider of the Irish Republic, dedicated to the reestablishment of our Republic Proclaimed in 1916 and when he gave his life, he was on active service for the Irish Republican Army, in an effort to procure arms. This is the mission that led him to Germany in 1939 and it was no different from the motivation of Erskine Childers in 1914 or Roger Casement in 1916.
Far from being considered a fascist, Sean Russell Should be celebrated as a great Fenian.
This was how Russell was viewed by the movement following his death. In 1951 the National Graves Association erected a life-sized statue to the IRA Chief of Staff in his native Fairview. This statue was immediately attacked by Irish Fascists, as it depicted Russell with his left fist raised in salute, the international salute of Communist Revolutionaries.
It is only since the onset of the poison that is revisionist history that the legacy of Sean Russell has come under attack. Anti Republican Elements have attempted to label Russell as a Nazi in the hope that by doing so, they can label the Republican movement as fascist. Our enemies therefore, do not attack Sean Russell, but the Republican Movement.
Mouth pieces for the Free State’s Garrison Class have led a campaign to dismantle the Russell Statue in an attempt to break support for Irish Republicanism. This has led to numerous attacks on the statue by pro imperialist vandals. Each time the statue has been attacked however, it has been restored through the efforts of Republicans, and particular mention must be made of the National Graves association for the work they have done in refusing to allow the memory of this Volunteer be besmirched.
Without fear then, Irish Republicans should remember Volunteer Sean Russell, IRA Chief of Staff for what he was, a loyal Solider and servant of Our All Ireland Republic, as an embodiment of the old Fenian Maxim that England’s Difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity and a Volunteer who spent his entire life dedicated to the cause fighting the counter revolution in Ireland, and Rebuilding the All Ireland Republic.
Sean Russell gave his life for Our Republic, on this day in 1940. Remember him with pride.
Roger Casement’s defiant speech from the dock in 1916 is required reading for all Socialist Republicans. Casement was the last leader of the 1916 executed by British Imperialism on August 3, 1916.
My Lord Chief Justice, as I wish to reach a much wider audience than I see before me here, I intend to read all that I propose to say. What I shall read now is something I wrote more than twenty days ago. I may say, my lord, at once, that I protest against the jurisdiction of this Court in my case on this charge, and the argument that I am now going to read is addressed not to this Court, but to my own countrymen.
With all respect I assert this Court is to me, an Irishman, not a jury of my peers to try me in this vital issue for it is patent to every man of conscience that I have a right, an indefeasible right, if tried at all, under this Statute of high treason, to be tried in Ireland, before an Irish Court and by an Irish jury. This Court, this jury, the public opinion of this country, England, cannot but be prejudiced in varying degree against me, most of all in time of war.
I did not land in England; I landed in Ireland. It was to Ireland I came; to Ireland I wanted to come; and the last place I desired to land in was England. But for the Attorney General of England there is only “England”—is no Ireland, there is only the law of England—no right of Ireland; the liberty of Ireland and of Irish is to be judged by the power of England. Yet for me, the Irish outlaw, there is a land of Ireland, a right of Ireland, and a charter for all Irishmen to appeal to, in the last resort, a charter that even the very statutes of England itself cannot deprive us of—nay, more, a charter that Englishmen themselves assert as the fundamental bond of law that connects the two kingdoms.
This charge of high treason involves a moral responsibility, as the very terms of the indictment against myself recite, inasmuch as I committed the acts I am charged with, to the “evil example of others in the like case.” What was this “evil example” I set to others in “the like case,” and who were these others? The “evil example” charged is that I asserted the rights of my own country, and the “others” I appealed to to aid my endeavour were my own countrymen.
The example was given not to Englishmen but to Irishmen, and the “like case” can never arise in England, but only in Ireland. To Englishmen I set no evil example, for I made no appeal to them. I asked no Englishman to help me. I asked Irishmen to fight for their rights. The “evil example” was only to other Irishmen who might come after me, and in “like case” seek to do as I did. How, then, since neither my example nor my appeal was addressed to Englishmen, can I be rightfully tried by them? If I did wrong in making that appeal to Irishmen to join with me in an effort to fight for Ireland, it is by Irishmen, and by them alone, I can be rightfully judged.
From this Court and its jurisdiction I appeal to those I am alleged to have wronged, and to those I am alleged to have injured by my “evil example,” and claim that they alone are competent to decide my guilt or my innocence. If they find me guilty, the statute may affix the penalty, but the statute does not override or annul my right to seek judgment at their hands.
This is so fundamental a right, so natural a right, so obvious a right, that it is clear the Crown were aware of it when they brought me by force and by stealth from Ireland to this country. It was not I who landed in England, but the Crown who dragged me here, away from my own country to which I had turned with a price upon my head, away from my own countrymen whose loyalty is not in doubt, and safe from the judgment of my peers whose judgment I do not shrink from. I admit no other judgment but theirs. I accept no verdict save at their hands. I assert from this dock that I am being tried here, not because it is just, but because it is unjust. Place me before a jury of my own countrymen, be it Protestant or Catholic, Unionist or Nationalist, Sinn Feineach or Orangemen, and I shall accept the verdict and bow to the statute and all its penal ties. But I shall accept no meaner finding against me than that of those whose loyalty I endanger by my example and to whom alone I made appeal. If they adjudge me guilty, then guilty I am. It is not I who am afraid of their verdict; it is the Crown. If this be not so, why fear the test? I fear it not. I demand it as my right.
That, my lord, is the condemnation of English rule, of English-made law, of English Government in Ireland, that it dare not rest on the will of the Irish people, but it exists in defiance of their will—that it is a rule derived not from right, but from conquest. Conquest, my lord, gives no title, and if it exists over the body, it fails over the mind. It can exert no empire over men’s reason and judgment and affections; and it is from this law of conquest without title to the reason, judgment, and affection of my own country men that I appeal. I would add that the generous expressions of sympathy extended me from many quarters, particularly from America, have touched me very much. In that country, as in my own I am sure my motives are understood and not misjudged for the achievement of their liberties has been an abiding inspiration to Irishmen and to all men elsewhere rightly struggling to be free in like cause.
My Lord Chief Justice, if I may continue, I am not called upon, I conceive, to say anything in answer to the inquiry your lordship has addressed to me why Sentence should not be passed upon me. Since I do not admit any verdict in this Court, I cannot, my lord, admit the fitness of the sentence that of necessity must follow it from this Court. I hope I shall be acquitted of presumption if I say that the Court I see before me now is not this High Court of Justice of England, but a far greater, a far higher, a far older assemblage of justices—that of the people of Ireland. Since in the acts which have led to this trial it was the people of Ireland I sought to serve—and them alone—I leave my judgment and my sentence in their hands…
My counsel has referred to the Ulster Volunteer movement, and I will not touch at length upon that ground save only to say this, that neither I nor any of the leaders of the Irish Volunteers who were founded in Dublin in November, 1913, had quarrel with the Ulster Volunteers as such, who were born a year earlier. Our movement was not directed against them, but against the men who misused and misdirected the courage, the sincerity and the local patriotism of the men of the north of Ireland. On the contrary, we welcomed the coming of the Ulster Volunteers, even while we deprecated the aims and intentions of those Englishmen who sought to pervert to an English party use—to the mean purposes of their own bid for place and power in England—the armed activities of simple Irishmen. We aimed at winning the Ulster Volunteers to the cause of a united Ireland. We aimed at uniting all Irishmen in a natural and national bond of cohesion based on mutual self-respect. Our hope was a natural one, and if left to ourselves, not hard to accomplish. If external influences of disintegration would but leave us alone, we were sure that Nature itself must bring us together.
How did the Irish Volunteers meet the incitements of civil war that were uttered by the party of law and order in England when they saw the prospect of deriving political profit to themselves from bloodshed among Irishmen? I can answer for my own acts and speeches. While one English party was responsible for preaching a doctrine of hatred designed to bring about civil war in Ireland, the other, and that the party in power, took no active steps to restrain a propaganda that found its advocates in the Army, Navy, and Privy Council—in the Houses of Parliament and in the State Church—a propaganda the methods of whose expression were so “grossly illegal and utterly unconstitutional” that even the Lord Chancellor of England could find only words and no repressive action to apply to them. Since lawlessness sat in high places in England and laughed at the law as at the custodians of the law, what wonder was it that Irishmen should refuse to accept the verbal protestations of an English Lord Chancellor as a sufficient safe guard for their lives and their liberties? I know not how all my colleagues on the Volunteer Committee in Dublin reviewed the growing menace, but those with whom I was in closest co-operation redoubled, in face of these threats from without, our efforts to unite all Irishmen from within. Our appeals were made to Protestant and Unionist as much almost as to Catholic and Nationalist Irishmen.
We hoped that by the exhibition of affection and good will on our part towards our political opponents in Ireland we should yet succeed in winning them from the side of an English party whose sole interest in our country lay in its oppression in the past, and in the present in its degradation to the mean and narrow needs of their political animosities. It is true that they based their actions, so they averred, on ‘‘fears for the Empire’’ and on a very diffuse loyally that took in all the people of the Empire, save only the Irish. That blessed word “Empire” that bears so paradoxical a resemblance to charity! For if charity begins at home, “Empire” means in other men’s homes and both may cover a multitude of sins. I for one was determined that Ireland was much more to me than “Empire,” and that if charity begins at home so must loyalty.
Since arms were so necessary to make our organisation a reality, and to give to the minds of Irishmen, menaced with the most outrageous threats, a sense of security, it was our bounden duty to get arms before all else.
We have been told, we have been asked to hope, that after this war Ireland will get Home Rule, as a reward for the life-blood shed in a cause which whoever else its success may benefit can surely not benefit Ireland. And what will Home Rule be in return for what its vague promise has taken and still hopes to take away from Ireland? It is not necessary to climb the painful stairs of Irish history—that treadmill of a nation whose labours are in vain for her own uplifting as the convict’s exertions are for his redemption—to review the long list of British promises made only to be broken—of Irish hopes raised only to be dashed to the ground. Home Rule when it comes, if come it does, will find an Ireland drained of all that is vital to its very existence—unless it be that unquenchable hope we build on the graves of the dead.
We are told that if Irishmen go by the thousand to die, not for Ireland, but for Flanders, for Belgium, for a patch of sand on the deserts of Mesopotamia, or a rocky trench on the heights of Gallipoli, they are winning self-government for Ireland. But if they dare to lay down their lives on their native soil, if they dare to dream even that freedom can be won only at home by men resolved to fight for it there, then they are traitors to their country, and their dream and their deaths alike are phases of a dishonourable phantasy.
But history is not so recorded in other lands. In Ireland alone in this twentieth century is loyalty held to be a crime. If loyalty be something less than love and more than law, then we have had enough of such loyalty for Ireland or Irishmen. If we are to be indicted as criminals, to be shot as murderers, to be imprisoned as convicts because our offence is that we love Ireland more than we value our lives, then I know not what virtue resides in any offer of self-government held out to brave men on such terms. Self-government is our right, a thing born in us at birth; a thing no more to be doled out to us or withheld from us by another people than the right to life itself—than the right to feel the sun or smell the flowers or to love our kind. It is only from the convict these things are withheld for crime committed and proven—and Ireland that has wronged no man, that has injured no land, that has sought no dominion, over others—Ireland is treated to-day among the nations of the world as if she were a convicted criminal.
If it be treason to fight against such an unnatural fate as this, then I am proud to be a rebel, and shall cling to my “rebellion” with the last drop of my blood. If there be no right of rebellion against a state of things that no savage tribe would endure without resistance, then I am sure that it is better for man to fight and die without right than to live in such a state of right as this. Where all your rights become only an accumulated wrong; where men must beg with bated breath for leave to subsist in their own land, to think their own thoughts, to sing their own songs, to garner the fruits of their own labours—and even while they beg, to see things inexorably withdrawn from them—then surely it is a braver, a saner and a truer thing, to be a rebel in act and deed against such circumstances as these than tamely to accept it as the natural lot of men.
My lord, I have done. Gentlemen of the jury, I wish to thank you for your verdict. I hope you will not take amiss what I said, or think that I made any imputation upon your truthfulness or your integrity when I spoke and said that this was not a trial by my peers. I maintain that I have a natural right to be tried in that natural jurisdiction, Ireland my own country, and I would put it to you, how would you feel in the converse case, or rather how would all men here feel in the converse case, if an Englishman had landed here in England and the Crown or the Government, for its own purposes, had conveyed him secretly from England to Ireland under a false name, committed him to prison under a false name, and brought him before a tribunal in Ireland under a statute which they knew involved a trial before an Irish jury? How would you feel yourselves as Englishmen if that man was to be submitted to trial by jury in a land inflamed against him and believing him to be a criminal, when his only crime was that he had cared for England more than for Ireland?
Throughout the current phase of our National Liberation struggle, that can be roughly stated to have started 50 years ago in 1969, a constant, key and principled objective of the Republican Movement is to effect a British Withdrawal from Ireland, to allow the Irish People Rebuild the All Ireland Socialist Republic.
This objective has often been summed up in the demand for an immediate declaration by the British Government of their intent to withdraw from Ireland, and a proposed timeline of how they intend to do so.
In recent years however, following the massive defeat of Republicans culminating in the 1998 treaty, many have turned away from the demand for a British Withdrawal, and have replaced the legitimate demand for the All Ireland Socialist Republic with vague sound bites about ‘Irish Unity’. The Republican struggle is about much more then mere territorial unification, which existed in the past under British Rule. Our struggle is for the Socialist Republic.
Knowingly or unknowingly, these Republicans have confined their resistance to Imperialism within the lines set by our enemies, encapsulated in the demand for a British Border Poll within the Occupied Six Counties.
Irish Socialist Republicans understand the material conditions airsing from the 1998 treaty that led so many Republicans to become despondent, however we fundamentally reject the analysis that the demands of the Republican Movement should be reduced because of that defeat.
Irish Socialist Republicans assert that today, in 2019, 100 years after the establishment of the All Ireland Socialist Republic, it is time to rebuild the Struggle for National Liberation and Socialism anchored on our historic right to National Self Determination.
A key plank of the #OurMandate #OurRepublic campaign is to build a popular, people’s campaign for a British Withdrawal from Ireland, centering around the demand for a declaration of intent to withdraw by the British Government.
By building in communities around this demand and by mobilising feet on the street to achieve it, the #OurMandate #OurRepublic campaign can be a vechicle for Republicans right across Ireland to get on with the work of Rebuilding the All Ireland Socialist Republic.
We assert that it should be the demand for a British Withdrawal, and the All Ireland Socialist Republic and not vague notions of ‘Irish Unity’ and British border polls in the Occupied Six Counties that all Republicans should rally around now
Britain is in Crisis. It’s time to assert our right to National Self Determination!
It’s time to build the people’s campaign for a British Withdrawal!
It’s time to Rebuild the All Ireland Socialist Republic!
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The following is an exclusive exposé by Anti Imperialist Action Ireland, highlighting the links between Free State politicians, Imperialist proxies and the plan for Regime change in Iran
With the Middle East still wracked with war, terrorism, sanctions, refugee and environmental crisis, American generals and CIA directors, Neo-conservative schemers, Saudi officials, Syrian “rebels” – and Irish Free State politicians – are working with a bizarre Iranian cult to launch a World War.
This cult is known as the MEK and has a long and remarkable history of mutations in ideology and partners in its quest for power in Iran.
Originally allied with Ayatollah Khomeini and the Iranian Communist party in the struggle to overthrow the Shah, the MEK became bitter enemies of the Islamic Republic after the revolution.
Allying with Saddam Hussein after he invaded Iran, they became his chief torturers and special operations forces in the Iran-Iraq War 1980-88.
The Shia and Kurdish 1991 uprisings in Iraq against Saddam Hussein saw the MEK loyally helping to crush them when even Saddam’s Republican Guard faltered. MEK leader Maryam Rajavi ordered her forces at the time to “crush the Kurds under your tanks and save your bullets for the Iranians”.
Before the 2003 American invasion of Iraq the MEK pledged loyalty to the new rulers, getting weapons and training by the US and Israel for assassination and sabotage operations within Iran.
At this stage the MEK had completely changed their ideology: in the 60s and 70s they had preached “Islamic Marxism” while now they preach the same “Freedom and Democracy” gospel as their new neocon and NGO patrons.
And this is where the Irish Free State politicians come in: the MEK pays top dollar (standard rate $3000 PER MINUTE) for American and European politicians to speak at their conferences calling for regime change in Iran.
At least 16 Irish Free State politicians (Fianna Fail, Fine Gael, Labour and “Independent” among them) have been attending these conferences and expressing public support since at least 2009 – when the MEK were still in the US terrorist list, and very shortly after it was removed from the EU list.
If they are accepting standard MEK payment, mainstream Irish Free State politicians and political parties have silently taken millions of dollars in donations from a cult involved in war crimes and listed as a terrorist organisation by their own government – and all to push “neutral” Ireland into a devastating war.
These politicians have not told their own constituents or the Irish public of their involvement with this Iranian cult and their international conspiring for regime change – nor of the huge sums of money offered for these services.
Many of these politicians have been embroiled in corruption scandals at home: the idea that they would turn down $30,000 for the 6-minute speeches they have made at MEK conferences does not pass the giggle test.
Many of them have taken the MEKs all expenses paid trip to their fenced-off mini city in Albania, where they give speeches praising the MEK for their “human rights”.
These Irish Free State politicians did not find the time to talk with parents outside the barbed wire fence whose children have been kidnapped by the MEK inside.
They did not ask the MEK captors about how “human rights” fits in with their ongoing programs of brainwashing, sexual abuse, extortion, torture and murder.
The 3000 MEK members/inmates of this private city in Albania are not allowed to leave the compound, to speak with their families, to marry or have sex, to have any possessions (all their worldly belongings are transferred to the cult, a key source of MEK funding) and are subjected to daily brainwashing sessions.
One thing these Irish Free State politicians can benefit from is positive press coverage from regime change media: within their private city the MEK run a massive media operation with dozens of websites and thousands of social media bots.
For Western media consumers much of their “independent” news stories from Iran Syria Palestine and the Middle East region have come from the MEK media centre.
In the wider context of Irish political parties preparing to join an EU army while America, Britain and Europe lay the groundwork for war in the region, this secret neo-con cabal within the Free State establishment is a worrying development.
Irish Free State politicians known to have supported MEK activities or appeared at their public events:
● John Bruton (Former Taoiseach, FG)
● Brian Ó Domhnaill (Senator, Independent)
● Mary Robinson (Former President, Independent)
● Gerry Horkan (Senator, FG)
● Marie Louise O Donnell (Senator, Ind)
● Marian Harkin (Former MEP, Ind)
● Neale Richmond (Senator, FG)
● Diarmuid Wilson (Senator, FF)
● David Norris (Senator, Ind)
● Paul Daly (Senator, FF)
● Catherine Noone (Senator, FG)
● Jim Higgins (Former MEP, FG)
● Dara Murphy (TD, FG)
● Lorraine Higgins (Former Senator, Labour)
● John Perry (Former TD and Minister, FG)
● Peter Matthews (Former TD, FG)
These Irish warmongers need to be made to answer the following questions immediately:
● How long have you worked with the MEK?
● Who introduced you to them?
● How much money and benefits in kind have you taken from them?
● Did you work for the MEK before 2009 when they were on the EU terrorist list?
● Do you support sanctions, arming of “rebels” and invasion of Iran by America and Europe?
● Do you support Irish participation in this?
● Have you asked MEK officials about their history of torture of Iranian prisoners and participation in genocide of Kurds?
● Have you asked MEK officials about their current kidnapping and brainwashing program to maintain their membership?
● You have officially condemned a 1988 prison massacre in Iran. Will you also condemn the 1986 prison massacre in Peru?